Showing posts with label baseball. Show all posts
Showing posts with label baseball. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

The WORST World Series: 1918


 

Before the start of the 1918 "Worlds Series" there was joy in Boston and Chicago, but little interest elsewhere.  Due to the war in Europe many baseball fans viewed each team with cynicism, ballclubs that crassly tried to buy pennants with cash with players who dodged military service while their countrymen gave their lives on the battlefield.    

Still, the Cubs were a powerhouse.  Anchored by Jim “Hippo” Vaughn, the Cubs had the best pitching in the National League and were no less successful in the batter’s box, featuring a lineup that feasted in war-depleted pitching staffs.  Despite the presence of players like Babe Ruth on the Boston roster, most observers, like Red Sox partisan Paul Shannon of the Boston Post, gave the edge to the Cubs. 

Shannon was right.  The Cubs should have won the 1918 World Series.  But as modern observers know, in regard to the Cubs, “should win” and “won” are not part of the same language.  Although virtually everything tilted the Cubs way, it would not be enough.  They would squander every advantage, beginning with their home field edge.  With the series scheduled to begin with three games in Chicago, Cubs ownership got greedy and asked the White Sox for permission to use Comiskey Park rather than Weeghman Park due to its larger seating capacity.  Both the home field advantage and the offensive advantage they gained from their home park were gone. 

Both clubs had plenty of time to prepare and set their pitching rotation for the series did not begin until September 4, almost a week after the end of the war-shortened regular season. 

The big surprise in game one was that the Sox chose to start Babe Ruth on the mound.  He’d won only 13 games in 1918 and the smart money believed the Cubs were much better against left-handed pitching.  But Ruth had been Boston’s best pitcher down the stretch and due to Ruth’s recent trouble hitting left-handers, Sox manager Ed Barrow didn’t intend to use him in the Series in the outfield.  Instead he decided to go with minor league journeyman – and right-handed hitter – George Whiteman.

Neither Hippo Vaughn nor Ruth was sharp at the start of game one, but neither team scored until   the fourth inning, when Boston finally broke through.  Dave Shean walked, and after a botched sacrifice attempt, George Whiteman and first baseman Stuffy McInnis both singled, scoring Sheen and giving Boston a 1-0 lead. 

In a contest the Tribune termed “monotonous,” that was it.  The Cubs mounted a mild threat in the sixth, only to have Whiteman end the rally with a running catch to secure Boston’s 1-0 victory. 

Game two was far more engaging as Cubs coach Otto Knabe provided the entertainment, taunting Red Sox coach Heinie Wagner.  After Boston went down in the second inning, instead of returning to the Boston bench, Wagner came looking for Knabe. 

Before anyone realized what was happening, Wagner was in the Cub dugout throwing haymakers.  The Cubs folded in over the two men before Boston‘s reinforcements could cut across the diamond and come to Wagner’s rescue.  After some delay, Wagner emerged muddied but not bloodied from the confrontation.  Baseball Magazine later reported that “fans who could see it [the fight] declared that when they heard two Germans were fighting, they merely encouraged them to beat each other up.”

The battle did ratchet up the intensity of the Series, and the rest of game two was played as if baseball were a contact sport.  In the Chicago third, the Cubs broke through against Sox pitcher Joe Bush.  With one out, Freed Merkle walked, and then Charlie Pick laid down a bunt and beat the throw to first.  Third baseman Charlie Deal popped up a failed bunt attempt, but Bill Killefer proceeded to double to score one run and then Tyler helped himself, driving a single to center that scored Pick and Killefer.  Boston threatened in the ninth when Strunk and Whiteman hit back-to-back triples, but Tyler held on for the 3-1 win as Ruth stayed on the Boston bench and the Cubs knotted the Series.

A victory in game three was critical for Chicago.  Manager Fred Mitchell brought back Vaughn on one day’s rest, while Boston countered with submariner Carl Mays.

Vaughn pitched well, but Mays was even better.  In the fourth Boston scratched across two runs after Vaughn hit Whiteman and the Red Sox added four singles, not one of which was hit hard.  Chicago’s best chance came in the bottom of the inning when Dode Paskert nearly hit a home run only to have George Whiteman, Boston’s best player in the Series, grab the ball out of the front row.  The Cubs scored one run in the fifth on a couple of hits, but May stopped them after that.  The Red Sox won, 2-1.

A few hours later, at eight o’clock, both teams boarded the same train for the twenty-seven hour trip to Boston.  Normally, the two clubs would have had little to do with one another, particularly after the bad blood in game two, but the long journey caused tempers to cool and players from both clubs finally had a chance to look over some documents distributed by the National Commission.  By the time they reached Boston they were spitting blood.  Baseball’s ruling National Commission had changed the distribution of World Series money.  Each team was playing for a whole lot less than they thought they were. 

Before 1918 the players had shared 60% of Series receipts but in 1918, the Commission, acting on behalf of the owners, changed the distribution to only 55.75% of the receipts, and then only from the first four games.  That amount would also be shared with the players on the teams that finished second, third and fourth and players would be forced to “donate” another ten percent to war charities.  By the time the two team reached Boston the player of both teams were united and talking about going on strike.  The next morning player representatives told the commission that they had no intention of playing and requested a formal meeting to air their grievances.  They were put off and reluctantly decided to play game four.

The Cubs, in particular, had reason to play.  The night before, as the train chugged its way into Boston, schedule game four starter Babe Ruth had decided to have a little fun punching out straw hats on the train. 

Ruth either miscalculated or punched through a hat and straight into the steel wall of the train, or else someone resisted and Ruth responded with a real swing that missed its target and lost a battle with that same wall. The result was that the middle finger of Ruth’s pitching hand was swollen to twice its normal size.  If he was hampered by the finger, or couldn’t pitch at all, the advantage tilted toward the Cubs.

Ruth had the finger drained but convinced Barrow he could pitch.  He started the game with the finger stained with iodine. 

He could pitch, but just barely.  Unfortunately for the Cubs, Boston’s defense kept bailing him out.  Then in the fourth, after Cubs pitcher Lefty Tyler walked Shean and Whiteman, Ruth came up with two outs.

He fell behind 3-0 then watched two strikes pass by as if he realized he had only one good swing left and was determined to wait for the perfect pitch. 

He got it.   As Boston Post reporter Paul Shannon wrote, “A report like a rifle shot rang through the park.  Twenty-five thousands rose as one man, and while the bleachers shrieked in ecstasy, the Cubs right fielder [Flack] taken unawares dashed madly for the center field stands.”  Shean and Whiteman scored easily and Ruth slid into third for a triple.  Boston led, 2-0.

But Ruth still wasn’t right and in the top of the eighth, the Cubs finally got to him, tying the game and ending Ruth’s scoreless inning streak in Series at 29 2/3 innings.

Cubs’ pitcher Phil Douglas took over for Tyler in the eighth.  Boston catcher Wally Schang led off with a single and advanced to second when a Douglas pitch got away from catcher Bill Killefer.  Harry Hooper then laid down a bunt, which Douglas fielded and promptly threw away, and Schang came around with the winning run.  The Sox hung on and now the Cubs trailed in the Series three games to one.

As soon as the game ended, however, the players again took up their grievance with the National Commission.  Harry Hooper, Heinie Wagner, Leslie Mann and Bill Killefer, went together to the Copley Plaza. Once again the Commission brushed them off like piece of lint.    Later that evening, however, they decided to try to meet once more with the commission the next morning.  Unless the issue was resolved, they were determined not to play game five.

By this time word of the snafu was becoming public knowledge.  The press was four-square on the side of management – the Chicago Daily Journal referred to the players as the “bolsheveki of baseball.”

The next morning the team of revolutionaries went to the Copley Plaza once again.  The Commission again sent them away, saying they could all meet again after game five.

The players knew better.  If Boston won game five, the point was moot - the Series would be over and there would be no meeting.  The representatives went to the ballpark and explained the situation to players of both teams.  They were all in agreement. As far as they were concerned, there would be no game five.

Meanwhile, the commission celebrated their victory over the players in the bar of the Copley Plaza.  But as game time approached and some twenty thousand fans began to pour into Fenway Park, the players remained in the clubhouse, on strike.  When the Commission found out they gulped down one last drink and hustled over to the ballpark.  At 2:45 the commissioners met Hooper, Dave Shean, Mann and Killefer in the umpire’s room as a handful of sportswriters squeezed in behind them.  The players were ready for a sober discussion of the issues.   The commission was incapable of having a sober discussion about anything.

American League president Ban Johnson, drunk and in tears, was in no condition to negotiate anything.  He played the patriotic card, imploring the players to take the field for “the soldiers in the stands,” some of whom were, in fact, now on the field, pressed into service to try to prevent the crowd from rioting.

Reporter Nick Flately of the Boston American captured the tone perfectly in his story about the meeting.  According to his description, Commissioner Gerry Hermann piped in, saying, “’Let’s arbitrary this matter Mister Johnson,’ then he launched forth into a brilliant exposition of the history of baseball’s governing board.  Expert reporters took notes for a while, then quit, befuddled.”

So did the players.  There was no sense arguing with three men who were seeing double and slurring every word.  Boston Mayor John Fitzgerald, president Kennedy’s grandfather, took the field and announced to the crowd that the players “have agreed to play for the sake of the public and the wounded players in the stands.”

The crowd booed lustily, and when the players took the field they fielded insults from every direction. Some fans just left, disgusted.

Then came the game.  Boston fans took their anger over the strike out on the Red Sox, cheering Cub pitcher Hippo Vaughn the whole game, and the Red Sox responded by making outs early and often.  The Cubs scored a run in the second and two in the eighth, and just over one hour and forty minutes after it started, game five was history.  The Cubs won, 3-0 and trailed the Red Sox three games to two.  The Chicago press thought it was a great game while Boston sports writers were less impressed and all but wrote that the Red Sox had played to lose.

The end result was that no one cared anymore who won Series anyway.  The strike, which the public didn’t understand, soured the public on the Series.     Fenway Park was only half full on the afternoon of September 11 when Tyler, on one days’ rest, squared off opposite Carl Mays.

There was little glory for the Cubs or anyone else not named George Whiteman.  The journeyman hit a line drive in the second that scored two runs and in the eighth inning made a tumbling catch to save the game.  He left the field to a rousing ovation with a wrenched neck as Ruth trotted out as a meaningless defensive replacement.  One inning later the Boston Red Sox were champions of the world and the Cubs looked to next year.  Most fans yawned at the result. There was only a small subdued on field celebration by the Red Sox as a few hundred die-hard cheered them on. By the end of the series only a few dozen fans were showing up on the streets outside the Chicago newspaper office to watch the game being replayed on the big board.  The Daily Journal reported glumly that “interest was plainly at zero…baseball is not an essential during a time of war.” 

George Whiteman, not Ruth, was heralded as the hero of the Series.  The right-handed hitter had feasted on Tyler and Vaughn while catching everything hit in his direction. 

Depending on which newspaper one believed, the Cubs earned either $574.62 or $671.09 each, while the champion Red Sox took in $1001.52, and each still had to donate a portion to the war charities.  Both figures were the lowest in Series history, as was the total of nineteen runs scored in the Series, ten by the Cubs and only nine for Boston.

Perhaps the worst World Series in history was over.  Baseball took punitive action against the players over the strike and withheld their World Series medallions, the equivalent of today's rings, until 1993. At the time no one could envision that decades later Boston fans would look back on it with nostalgia, for the Red Sox would go 86 years before winning another championship and that Cubs fans, who are still waiting, would one day look back at 1918 as one of the first of many lost opportunities. 

Within days after ended it ended it was almost as if the Series had not been played at all.  Soldiers returning from Europe carried with them Spanish influenza and a few days after the Series scores of people began dying in Boston as the pandemic took hold.   Among its victims would be Series umpire Silk O’Loughlin, and several Boston sports writers who covered the Series.

The disease spread rapidly to Chicago, probably due to the return of soldiers to the Great Lakes Naval Training Center, or, perhaps, by fans, sportswriters and players returning to Chicago from Boston.  In October alone more than ten thousand Chicagoans would die of the disease, and by the time the pandemic finally ended in the spring of 1919, more than a half million Americans were dead, 20,000 in Chicago and another 6,000 in Boston.

There was some good news, however.  On November 11, the Great War came to an end. In 1919 baseball would soon return to normal.  Unfortunately for the Red Sox and Cubs, “normal” no longer meant what it once did.  Another World Series victory would prove elusive for both teams. 
 
Adapted from Red Sox Century and The Cubs, copyright Glenn Stout and Richard Johnson. @GlennStout, www.glennstout.net

 

 

Wednesday, July 31, 2013

The Problem is Bud Selig


At this point, it is all about the legacy of one man, little else.

Bud Selig has been the Commissioner of Baseball since 1992, first on an acting basis, but officially so since 1998. During that time period, major league baseball has enjoyed a period of unrivaled financial growth and success.

That is the official version, anyway, the one Selig wants to appear on the plaque that will unquestionably be on display one day in Cooperstown. That is also unintentionally appropriate, for the just as Cooperstown’s claim to have a role in the history of baseball is entirely spurious, so too, will be those words on that plaque.

Measured only by the dollar, Selig’s tenure has been a success. However, by almost any other method, it has been a failure, for during his tenure whatever special place baseball still held in American society and culture has irreparably eroded. More than that however, baseball used to matter. Now, despite its financial health, the game is in many ways like an invalid living on an old fortune, wealthy but sequestered, important only to those who still need to keep the old boy alive to live off the crumbs that drop from his lap.

No one really argues that baseball is still “the National Pastime.” If there ever was such a title, it probably belongs to football now (although if I were a betting man with a long view, I’d put my money on soccer taking that crown in another decade or two). In its lust for the almighty dollar, baseball under Selig, rather than to keep its base as wide as possible to insure future growth, chose instead to squeeze a shrinking market ever harder. The return was higher, to be sure, but at the same it helped turn a game that was once played almost everywhere by everybody into a specialty sport, a niche activity whose future growth opportunities are limited. This lust to squeeze an industry dry just so a handful of executives can earn a bonus, get rich and then cash out is the same limited thinking that has brought down any number of American industries over the last decade or more. Baseball may well be next,

So there’s that.

At the same time, under Selig, the credibility of the game has been shredded. Under his limited sense of leadership, the game chose not just to ignore PEDs, but to revel in their impact, to juice the game artificially after a period of labor strife. Did they plan this? No. Did they see it happen and get all goose-bumpy, and start drooling at the financial rewards? Absolutely. As long as the checks cleared it mattered not that a host of records essentially became meaningless, that history was devalued, or that fully two decades of seasonal results are suspect (including Boston’s long awaited world championships in 2004 and 2007). All in the name of short-term gain, baseball under Selig chose to insult the intelligence of several generations of fans in favor of those who came to the game, not as fans, but as corporate guests.

Baseball has always been a business, but for years its success depended, at least in part, on the ease with which it was easy to forget that. All pretense of that is gone now. Baseball is only business, and business is the only measure that matters. Witness the changes to the All-Star game, the playoffs, the escalating cost of watching the game, in person, on TV, or the Internet. If there is a National Pastime anymore, it is the ATM.

And let’s not forget drug testing.

Baseball doesn’t have a policy, it has a PR policy, now that the horse is long gone and the barn burned, that is hustling to clean up the stall to hoodwink future historians into thinking they ever really cared. Despite all this, players keep getting caught, certain players are allowed to skate (why, who could I ever be thinking of?), but Selig touts his policy, falsely and knowingly, as the toughest in sports. If it’s so tough, how come so many guys keep using?

What it is, including the suspensions being handed out now, is the most cynical CYA move ever imagined, designed to make it look like he was doing something while his larger policies and philosophies, from top to bottom, helped create, perpetuate and then celebrate the very climate he now seeks, belatedly, to control. And all to make sure his vaunted legacy, one that now pays him around $30 million annually – equal if not greater than any player – remains unstained, his bronze plaque untarnished.

If I really cared anymore, I’d say the sooner Bud Selig is in Cooperstown, and out of the game, the better. The problem is, I’m not sure I do.

Some legacy.

 

Glenn Stout is author of the award-winning Fenway 1912, and For more, see www.glennstout.net. You can follow Glenn on Twitter at @GlennStout.

Thursday, August 2, 2012

Shades of Gray (and Red Sox)

Each loss makes the game so clear.

For both the players and the fan defeat is the great test of this game. Every player from Little League onward must become accustomed to that fact that in almost every instance failure is the norm. In baseball success is not measured by never failing, but by the ability to ignore failure, to integrate and mitigate its’ lessons in the next attempt.

So, too, for fans. When it’s summertime and the winning is easy, everyone is a front runner and climbs aboard that raucous, drunken jalopy that gloriously teeters and tumbles toward the finish drenched in champagne. The occasional defeat, while inevitable, seems almost artistic in its regularity, the missed stitch in the Persian rug put there on purpose to reveal better the perfection elsewhere.

For more than a decade Sox fans have been riding that bus, more or less, without cessation. Of course they have not won every year, but they have come close. The last season they seemed truly overmatched was 2001 (82-79 and finishing the season with Joe Kerrigan trying to find out who stole the strawberries). The last season they finished below .500 was 1997 (78-84, a fourth place team in every way imaginable, Sele, Suppan and Steve Avery in the rotation). And the last time they were truly horrible, terribly awful, a season long time fans once considered a peculiar badge of pride in the curious accounting that once marked the tribe, was 1992, (73-89 , seventh out of seven in the old two-division system, the future apparently Scott Cooper and Phil Plantier).

Pretty nice run, isn’t it?

Then there is this year. A team best described as a collection of consonants (Ciriaco and Kalish, Lillibridge and Nava, Posednik and Punto) and disabilities (the Gods Achilles, Ibuprofen, and Cruciate), that lurches and lurks around .500, winning games it shouldn’t and then losing games it should, running up a mud soaked hill in flat soled sneakers, slipping and sliding and staying more or less in the same place and looking up at almost everybody else.

The decision is yours, and it tells you who you are. Game time each night is a gut check on your relationship. Are you in, or are you out? Is your hat pink and perfect and pristine, pre-distressed and perfectly faded to look battle weary, or truly stained with sweat and stain and tears that come from years of use? Are you a fan of only winning, an addict to the morphine pump of highlights and high fives, or is there something else, deeper and more profound, that brings you back?

There is, because the farther away you get from winning the closer you get to what baseball really is; hundreds and thousands of small events and occurrences. To end in victory each must follow a convoluted line over the course of an at bat, an inning, a game, a series and a season, mixing the improbable and the implausible with the accidental and the intended, innumerable adjustments encountered and made on the way. There is the call not made, the twin killing not turned, the wind that blows it fair when it should drift foul and foul when it should stay fair, the mess of statistics that no matter what are rarely much better than a coin toss. The best teams win six of ten and the worst teams win only four. All that effort and time and money is expended to change the line score of the two games in the middle, the ones that mean either championship or disaster.

That is why losing seasons have something that the winning years do not – nuance and tone and ambiguity. You cannot watch and yet you cannot turn away. The box scores may still be black and white, the results irrefutable, but the game is all shades of gray. “Almost” and “nearly” and “what if” are torturously bound together. She is bad for you but you cannot help it.

Losing seasons force you to decide, to confront why you are here and why you submit to the game each day, taking the pain because, if you have lived long enough you know it makes the pleasure more intense, and there is nothing, ever, any better than that, than when the ball drops in and the bunt stays fair and short hop in the hole finds the glove and the catcher holds onto the ball and you rise from your seat and roar together as one.

At least that’s what you tell yourself as you grit your teeth and prepare for another flogging.



Glenn Stout is a Contributing Editor for SBNation.com, author of Fenway 1912.  This column appears in the August edition of Boston Baseball. 

Thursday, June 7, 2012

Entitled

Baseball has entered the era of the entitled.




While the game has never really been rooted in the agrarian utopia of its mythology, for much of its existence the game has been relatively blind to class and status. Although the organized professional game was long segregated by race, and women have always had to fight their way onto the field, for its traditional male constituency the game has generally been remarkably democratic; apart from its first few years of existence, you didn’t need to be either rich or privileged to play. The game was played in nearly every available space and the usual pathway to professional baseball, black or white, began in unorganized, pickup games in the sandlots and fields and empty lots of childhood. Players then meandered through a variety of more organized teams sponsored by schools or towns or the local hardware store before the most promising were identified as prospects in adolescence and then provided the opportunity to play for money. It did not matter whether one was raised as an urban street urchin like Babe Ruth, in a small town like Jim Rice, a suburb like Roger Clemens, a potato farm like Carl Yastrzemski or attended a university like Harry Hooper. Talent was far more important than background. A curve ball didn’t care who your parents were, where they were from or how much money they made; the game was the great equalizer.



But not anymore. In the United States the game is more and more a sport for the 1%, the rich and privileged. Long before the game itself sorts out the talent, the dollar already has. The weeding out of the other 99% is done on geographic and economic boundaries long before a kid even has a chance to pick up a ball. Since the game is not played much anymore on an unorganized basis (for reasons both basic and complicated), a boy without access to youth baseball is generally called out before he ever has a chance even to decide if he wants to play. In my rural town there is no longer a baseball program and the door closed before it is opened. Sadly, that is the plight of much of rural America, a condition which, along with abject poverty, is shared with many in our more urban neighborhoods where there are likewise few opportunities to play. The most talented athletes play something else or succumb to the tedium of the television or the streets.



For young people today baseball is almost entirely a suburban phenomenon, and even on those manicured fields the separating of the wheat from the chaff begins at an early age. There are travel teams for kids as young as eight or nine, and select squads that play nearly year around and cost parents many thousands of dollars in travel, equipment and league fees, not to mention wear and tear on the family dynamic. There is nothing very democratic about that, as talented but less well off kids are generally abandoned and squeezed out by their more well-heeled teammates. By the time a player reaches high school if he has not been plucked to play on several of these select, private travel teams, the chances of playing professionally, earning or earning a college scholarship are as remote as winning American Idol. The player who has a chance to play 100 or 150 games a year has a far better chance to improve and be seen than the kid who does not.

The kids who get drafted into professional baseball now are primarily the privileged, the select of the selects, the ones who have been told they are special and driven around and put up in hotels for tournaments and provided their own batting practice pitchers and pitching coaches since the age of ten. As a result by the time they reach the major leagues these young phenoms have been so cut off from reality for so long they have no idea that much of their success has come, not from within, but as a result of their station in life.



Maybe that’s why too many of them act so bored and blasé, blowing off the fans and media, hitting the links, and hiding behind the tinted glass of their Escalades and the velvet ropes the rest of us never even see, much less cross.



And then they wonder why we boo.

[This essay originally in Boston Baseball in June of 2012]

Friday, February 24, 2012

Doc's Cause


(Copyright 20012 by Glenn Stout. All rights reserved)

He virtually worked for free, but he did not work for nothing. And in the end, the payoff made us all richer.

When Branch Rickey erased organized baseball’s color line by signing Jackie Robinson to play for Montreal in 1946 and broke the major league color line by promoting him to the Dodgers in 1947, Rickey did not act alone. Both his decision and his selection of Robinson was the direct result of years of pressure and lobbying, both subtle and pronounced, from Americans of many different backgrounds. Most of these men and women of courage spoke out against prejudice and bigotry long before it was socially convenient.

The bulk of this pressure came from the outside the game, from leaders in the political, religious and social arena. Inside the game, however, the pressure to eradicate the color barrier came almost exclusively from journalists who covered baseball. Many, like Dave Egan of the Boston Record, called for the barrier to fall long before it was comfortable for him to do so and without regard to the impact it might make on his career.

But by the time Egan and other mainstream journalists went public with their disapproval, they were already standing on the shoulders of giants who had taken up the cause many years earlier. Decades before Robinson reached the major leagues journalists of color had been alternately agitating and arguing for racial equality, promoting the cause of African American athletes, calling attention to both their skills and the inequity that, all too often, kept them segregated on the fields of play.

In Boston, one of these giants of sports journalism stood barely five feet tall. Yet of all those who have brought their byline to the cause, no one in Boston was ever more effective than Mabray “Doc” Kountze. In a career in journalism that spanned more than fifty years, Doc Kountze’s influence, though little known, was enormous. If not for his efforts not only might the Red Sox have waited a little longer to integrate, but so too might all of major league baseball.

He was that important.

Kountze was born in West Medford, Massachusetts in 1910. His grandfather, James Monroe Mabray Kountze, was a native of Virginia, a free black man who in the mid-1800s nearly repatriated to Africa. Instead, he remained in America and his son, Hilliard was born into servitude in 1862 before being set free following the Civil War. Hilliard married and settled with his family in West Medford, Massachusetts, a city with a small but vital black population that traced its roots back more than three hundred years. Kountze and his wife, Madeline, eventually had ten children, including a son named Mabray.

Most of the Kountze children were athletic and excelled in sports at Medford High School, from which Mabray Kountze would graduate in 1932. He shared the enthusiasm of his siblings and their love of sports but did not enjoy the same robust health. As a child he was sickly and his illnesses may have had something to do with his diminutive size. Although he played sports when he could at local playgrounds like Dugger Park and Playstead Park, where in sandlot baseball games he usually played catcher, he more often found himself in the role of the observer. His brothers Hilliard Junior and Al both played for the semi-pro West Medford Independents, one of the best the semi-pro teams in the Boston area. Organized in 1902 the Independents played in the Greater Boston League, a fast integrated semi-pro circuit made up primarily of white teams, winning the championship on at least one occasion, in 1908.

Kountze often travelled with the Independents, watching his brothers play and being exposed to the best semi-pro baseball – black and white – in New England. Due to the relatively small size of the local black population, Boston never truly fielded a club in the traditional “Negro Leagues,” yet there was still enough talent and interest in the sport that the Boston area often supported a half dozen clubs or more, like the Boston Giants, Boston Rangers, Boston Tigers, the Wolverines and others. The best of these teams, the Philadelphia Royal Giants, (who despite their name were based in Boston) routinely toured New England and the Canadian Maritimes from the 1920s into the 1940s.

Most often, their opposition was white teams from nearby industrial leagues, like the Blackstone Valley League, or representatives from Boston’s vibrant semi-pro league that still exists today, the Park League. Even as a young man, as Kountze later wrote that he believed that some of these teams were “one of the most, if not the most, powerful baseball clubs… from all New England, including the Red Sox and Braves.”

Urged on by his brother Hilliard, Kountze kept a scrapbook of the achievements of these teams, clipping the occasional stories from local, mainstream newspapers, but primarily relying upon the Boston Guardian, one of the foremost African American newspapers in the country, a paper that was, at the time, considered somewhat radical for its aggressive editorial stance that called not for appeasement or accommodation but for African American independence and self-reliance.

For a time, Kountze himself subscribed to these same viewpoints, admitting once to the author that in his younger days he had been a staunch segregationist. However, while still a young man Kountze underwent a religious conversion and chose to dedicate his life to what he referred to as “a Cause above Cash, God above Gold, Purpose above Property, Soul above Silver.” His beliefs would find perhaps their best expression in his life’s work. Sports, in his own admission, became his personal “survival kit.”

While still a student at Medford High School, Kountze began drawing cartoons for school publications. They were compared favorably with the work of local sports cartoonists like Gene Mack of the Boston Globe and Bob Coyne of the Post. Kountze soon began contributing drawings to the Associated Negro Press, a news agency founded in 1919 by a graduate of the Tuskegee Institute that supplied African American newspapers with general and feature news from around the country, precisely the kind of afro-centric reportage that was unavailable in the mainstream white press. That sparked an interest in journalism in Kountze and he began stringing for the ANP as well, writing brief general news items.

At the same time, his artistic talents attracted several assignments to create posters for local sports teams, touting big games and matchups, and he soon found himself acting as the de facto public relations agent for team like the West Medford Independents. In 1930, two years before he graduated from Medford High, Kountze was invited by William “Sheep” Jackson, a former All-Scholastic from Malden High School, to contribute sports items to the Boston Chronicle, Boston’s other black oriented newspaper, which differed somewhat from the Guardian in that the Chronicle tended to include more social news than the politically motivated Guardian. These jobs paid very little, if anything, but Kountze did not care. He never married and never complained. Journalism was his calling, and he would soon find his cause.

Almost immediately, Kountze took on the idiocy of baseball’s color line. As he put it himself, “I associated with Negro team players and coaches alike at the ground level and not high up in the press boxes.” Close observation of both Boston area African American players and those Negro League teams that occasionally barnstormed through New England told him that there were plenty of African American ballplayers with major league ability. Pitcher Will Jackman of the Philadelphia Giants, for example, was the New England equivalent of Satchel Paige, and research by the late Dick Thompson indicated that comparison may well be more than hyperbole. Others, like outfielder Tubby Johnson, went back and forth between the Giants and more established Negro League clubs. Although Kountze did not often attend games at either Braves Field or Fenway Park, a number of ex-major leaguers played in local semi pro leagues, and on occasion, the best teams, like mill owner Walter Schuster’s powerful club from Douglas, Massachusetts, were able to entice active major leaguers such as Philadelphia A’s pitcher Lefty Grove to pitch on an off day.

Kountze primarily expressed his views in columns in the Chronicle such as “The Chronicle Sports Review” “National Sports Hook Up” and “Covering the Big Leagues.” In these columns Kountze reported not only on local black athletes, but on established white stars. In his column there was no color line, at least not one that he recognized as valid.

His approach was ingenious, for by writing about African American ballplayers and white major leaguers together, in the same context, Kountze was able to enforce his larger message; there was no difference in ability, only in opportunity. Moreover, his articles in the Chronicle and the Guardian provided almost the only coverage of African American baseball in the Boston area.

But Doc Kountze did not confine his efforts to Boston. His goal was nothing less than the eradication of the color line in the major leagues, an ambitious objective. He realized that the color line existed not only on the playing field, but in the press box and on the sports pages of the mainstream white press. As a result, few fans, white sportswriters or major league scouts even knew who the most talented black players were. They played in virtual anonymity, particularly at the semi-pro, prep and collegiate level. How, thought Kountze, would African Americans ever reach the major leagues if the fans, writers and scouts didn’t even know who they were, or who was the best among them?

His solution to the quandary was simple. In the early 1930s he formed an informal, ad hoc group called the National Negro Newspaper All-American Association of Sports Editors, and convinced his counterparts at other black newspapers around the country like the New York Age, Pittsburgh Courier and Chicago Defender, to join him. As Kountze once told the author, the NNNAASE “pooled votes to select star athletes and teams from the various conferences of Negro Colleges…By channeling the all-star and All-American picks coast-to-coast via the Associated Negro Press, it exposed outstanding athletes to a wider audience, including white pro scouts.” The selection of such teams touted their accomplishments all around the country, gave these athletes valuable publicity, and – were major league baseball ever to look – made the African American ballplayer much easier for major league scouts to find. Interestingly enough, they did not focus their efforts on promoting established Negro League stars, but younger athletes. Long before Branch Rickey realized that it would take a special person to withstand the rigors of breaking the color line, Kountze and his colleagues had arrived at the same conclusion, and were particularly supportive of collegiate athletes who presumably had the social skills needed to succeed in a white environment.

In this way Kountze and his colleagues helped make African American athletes like Jackie Robinson household names in black America years before most of white America had ever heard of him. In fact, no other athlete was touted by the NNNAASE to the same degree as Robinson. While he was still a student at Pasadena Junior College and nearly a decade before Branch Rickey had ever heard of him, Robinson was already being lavished with press attention. The African American press sensed, early on, that part from his athletic skills, that Robinson, college-educated and well spoken, a product of integrated schools in Pasadena, California, was unique. Potentially, he possessed all the other skills needed to succeed in the major leagues. Although Branch Rickey would later came to the same conclusion it is quite possible if not for the efforts of Kountze and his counterparts, Rickey may never have recognized Robinson’s unique palette of qualifications or become aware of Robinson at all. It is important to keep in mind that when Robinson first came across Rickey’s radar, he had barely played an inning in the Negro Leagues. It was his reputation, not his record on the field, which made him visible to Rickey. Had that not been the case Rickey may well have eventually selected another player or even put off his decision to sign an African American player at all.

Kountze did not confine his efforts to push baseball toward integration to the sports page. In 1934 was granted a press pass by the Red Sox and became the first African American allowed in the ballpark as a working professional. One year later, in 1935, Kountze met with Red Sox secretary Phil Troy, who Kountze later wrote was “a fine gentleman of class.” He asked Troy if he knew that there were African American players qualified to appear in the major leagues, a question Boston’s white sportswriters were to cautious – or too cowardly - to ask at the time. According to Kountze Troy stated that he did, and agreed that the color line should be erased. But when Kountze pressed him as to why the Red Sox did not break the color line themselves, Troy “shrugged his shoulders and pointed to the ‘Front Office,’” indicating that the decision rested there, presumably with club owner Tom Yawkey, for neither general manager Eddie Collins nor anyone else in the organization could have made such a courageous break with tradition without Yawkey’s approval. Kountze also wrote that he had a similar meeting that year with Ed Cunningham, the secretary of the Boston Braves, and, Cunningham also stated that he personally disagreed with the color line.

Three years later, in 1938, Kountze met with Braves president and former Red Sox president Bob Quinn Sr. about making Braves Field more available to black teams, part of Kountze’s continuing effort to expose white audiences to African American baseball. In the past, Braves Field had only periodically been available and Burlin White, catcher and one of the organizers of the Philadelphia Royal Giants, asked Kountze to see if he could pry the door open a little farther.

Kountze came prepared for an argument and began to tell Quinn about all the African American talent in New England and that it was his belief that some of these players were of major league quality. According to Kountze, Quinn “surprised the author by being in agreement in many areas I expected to argue.” Quinn had grown up in Columbus, Ohio and told Kountze he had both played with and against African American ballplayers as a young man. He told Kountze “he knew more about Colored Big League abilities than I did,” and spoke knowledgably about various black teams and players. The conversation continued and Quinn offered that he was fully aware that both the National league in general and the Braves in particular needed an “extra attraction” to survive financially. Quinn told Kountze that if it were up to him alone there would be no color line, but that at the present time the other owners would certainly have “voted him down.” At the end of their conversation Quinn predicted that not only would the NL be integrated before the AL, but that the Braves would integrate before the Red Sox. His observation would prove to be prescient.

Pressure from men like Kountze against the forces that wanted organized baseball to remain lily white began to have tangible results during World War II. Before the war Jackie Robinson starred in football at UCLA and played shortstop on the baseball team. He left UCLA in 1941 short of his degree, and over the next year played very little baseball but stayed in shape playing fast pitch softball in the Pasadena area.
On March 22, 1942, the communist newspaper The Daily Worker successfully pressured the Chicago White Sox into giving a tryout to several African American players at the White Sox spring training camp at Brookside Park in Pasadena. Negro League pitcher Nate Moreland was invited to tryout as was Robinson, an invitation that that was tendered more because of his reputation and his proximity to Pasadena than because of his playing ability. Robinson had yet to play in the Negro Leagues and, in fact, had hardly thrived as a ballplayer at UCLA – in 1940 he hit .097 and had a fielding percentage of .907. But due to the efforts of Kountze and his fellow sportswriters, Robinson, of all the African American Athletes in the country, was one of only two men selected for the tryout.

Robinson impressed Chicago manager Jimmy Dykes at the tryout. Dykes, who knew Robinson as a ballplayer from his time at Pasadena Junior College, told the Worker, "Personally I would welcome Negro players on the Sox," and valued Robinson at $50,000. The cursory tryout made news in the Daily Worker and in African American newspapers, but due to the involvement of the Communist Party the white-dominated mainstream press virtually ignored the event. One day later, Robinson received his induction notice and reported to the Army ten days later. Any remote chance of signing a contract with the White Sox disappeared.

During World War II efforts at integration took a back seat to the war effort, but as soon as the outcome of the war was decided, those efforts resumed in earnest. The war gave those who wanted the color line broken an obvious and irrefutable argument; if African Americans were willing to fight and die for their country, why could they not play the national pastime?” There was no satisfactory answer, and the days of the color line were numbered.

In the spring of 1945, Boston city councilman Isadore Muchnick successfully pressured the Red Sox to hold the now infamous tryout for African American League players at Fenway Park. Kountze’s direct involvement in the tryout is unclear. In conversations with the author Kountze, who rarely took credit for anything, was circumspect, although he later wrote that he was “one of those who participated in the tryout crusade.” But it was Wendell Smith of the Pittsburgh Courier who selected Robinson – now out of the Army and just beginning a career in the Negro Leagues – for the tryout and escorted Jackie, Sam Jethroe and Marvin Williams to Fenway Park. Kountze knew Smith and, as his reporting of the event later indicated, was undoubtedly kept informed. After the tryout, when none of the players heard back from the Red Sox, Kountze, now writing for the Boston Guardian, contacted the Red Sox and asked how Robinson and the others had performed. Coach Hugh Duffy told him the three players were "Good boys ... hustlers. We were glad to give them a tryout. They're the same as anybody else.... Got a soul the same as I have.... Deserve the same chance as anybody." Nevertheless, none of the three were signed to a contract.

The optimism that Kountze initially had felt about the tryout quickly turned to bitterness. “We all expected a fair trial at the Hub’s Fenway Park” wrote Kountze later. He called the incident "one of the biggest letdowns the author ever experienced in his entire career of sportswriting. I could see it happening in Mississippi, but not in Massachusetts." The African American community, both in and around Boston and elsewhere in the nation, now held the Red Sox responsible. They had believed – naively perhaps – that due to Boston’s liberal reputation and abolitionist past, that Boston offered perhaps the best chance to break the color line. The disappointment was profound. As a result, after the tryout the African American community held the Red Sox in disdain more so than any other team in the game.

Doc Kountze, however, simply kept working for the cause. When Rickey signed Robinson and then promoted him to the Dodgers, Boston’s white newspapers barely noted Robinson’s presence on the field, but Kountze enthusiastically reported on his progress. The cumulative efforts of the NNNAASE had succeeded, for when Rickey went looking for a player, he found precisely the man the NNNAASE had most often touted. But although the battle was won, Kountze knew that the war was not over – nor it would be until every team in the major leagues, including Boston’s Braves and Red Sox, was integrated.

By this time, however, Kountze had some allies. Now that the color line was broken, more white journalists added their voices to the call for integration and they were now joined by a growing chorus of similar calls from Boston’s religious, political, academic and business community. The logic of their arguments for the integration of baseball was irrefutable and over the next decade nearly every notable Boston baseball writer either explicitly or tacitly began wondering when the Braves and Red Sox would follow course and not only begin to sign African American players, but bring one to Boston. After all, the color line at both ballparks had already been broken by visiting ballplayers in 1947 – by Robinson at Braves Field and by the Indians’ Larry Doby at Fenway Park. What was the holdup now?

As Quinn had earlier predicted, the Braves beat the Red Sox signing Sam Jethroe in 1950, and over the next few years, as other teams followed suit, the pressure on the Red Sox to integrate increased. Shortly after the Braves signed Jethroe – and after passing over an opportunity to sign Willie Mays - the Red Sox belatedly signed his thirty-one-year-old Birmingham Barons teammate Piper Davis. But after Davis played only fifteen games in 1950, hitting .333 for single-A Scranton, he was released in what Joe Cronin later said was "a cost-cutting measure." Apparently, Davis had served his purpose – critics could no longer charge that the Red Sox organization had never signed an African American. But the color line on the big league roster held firm

Kountze kept up the drumbeat in the local black press, which now included a significant ally. In 1950 Kountze left the Boston Chronicle and joined the staff of the Boston Guardian. His place at the Chronicle was taken over by Cambridge native Ralph “Stody” Ward, another African American journalist and former semi-pro player of distinction. As other teams integrated and the Red Sox continued to dance around the issue, Ward added his voice to cause. In 1956 he even led a contingent of African American leaders to Fenway Park to “watch games and talk over the situation,” a group that included Judge Bruce Robinson, NCAAP executive director Ed Cooper and notable local ball players, like the legendary Will Jackman and Burlin White. Although the group was treated well – Tom Yawkey was later quoted by Kountze as saying the group made “a very fine impression,” and Ward was invited to recommend players to Boston scouts, that impression was only skin deep, for the Red Sox took no action. But the cumulative weight of such pressure was beginning to make the Red Sox uncomfortable.

By then there were African Americans in the Boston farm system, namely pitcher Earl Wilson and infielder Elijah “Pumpsie” Green, both of whom had been signed in 1953. But their progress through the farm system was mercurial. Kountze could do nothing more than keep doing what he had done all along; report on their progress and by doing so expose the moral cowardice of the Red Sox front office. Fortunately, by this point the cause was now the object of open discussion in Boston’s mainstream press, which by 1958 was wondering just what Green and Wilson had to do to earn a promotion. Good thing, because just as the Negro Leagues faded as major league baseball became ever more integrated, as the mainstream press began to report on African American issues the influence of Black Press began to wane. In the local African American press began to fall on hard times. After surviving for nearly five decades the Boston Guardian folded in the spring of 1957. Although Kountze would occasionally write for the Chronicle, that paper was also struggling and would cease publication in 1960. From that point on most of Doc’s journalistic efforts would find expression in the local Medford papers.

By then, of course, Kountze’s work had finally born fruit, for on July 21, 1959, Pumpsie Green was called up by the Red Sox to the major leagues. A week later, he was joined by Earl Wilson. A sad chapter in the history of the Red Sox was - to a degree - put to rest.

Few at the time realize the key role Kountze had played in making that happen, and over the next few decades of his life he himself drew little attention to himself. He lived frugally in West Medford, and turned his attention to two larger projects, writing two books. The first, “This Is Your Heritage,” published in 1969, was an immense, sprawling, detailed personal history of African Americans in Medford. The second, “50 Sports Years Along Memory Lane,” was published in 1979 and detailed the history of African American athletes in the Boston area. Although both books lack the professional polish of products produced by major trade publishers, each is an absolute treasure trove of information that can be found nowhere else.

The author was fortunate to get to know Kountze in 1986 after coming across his book at the Boston Public Library while researching a story for Boston Magazine about African American baseball in Boston. Kountze himself was the best source of the story, and over the next few years we often spoke, most of our conversations beginning with my specific questions on a topic or person in Boston sports. Kountze was always forthcoming, but inevitably the conversations inevitably veered off onto matters more important – his kind and gentle counsel about the matters of life. I would occasionally send him copies of my work, and a week or two later I would inevitably receive a letter back, addressed to “Glenn Stout, Sports Writer.”

Nothing ever made me feel more proud. Inside would be a page or two of onionskin paper covered edge to edge and front and back in tiny, single-spaced pica typewriter print, as if paper was too precious to waste, a letter that contained much needed praise, the occasional correction, and, always, encouragement. On the one occasion when he finally agreed to allow me to write about him, I made a brief visit to his home in West Medford.

It was my first ever excursion into the home of a writer – apart from my own – and I was not disappointed. He wrote before a wall covered with photographs of his heroes – Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Jackie Robinson and others. He used an old wooden door as a table and wrote on an ancient manual typewriter. Everywhere were piles of papers, books, magazines and scrapbooks. Doc was beginning to show his age, and although he was becoming infirm he still possessed an admirable level of energy, particularly when he spoke about something he cared about, which is to say almost everything.

Late in his life – belatedly - Kountze’s efforts finally began to be recognized. On May 29, 1993, he was invited by the Red Sox to Fenway Park as part of a tribute to the Negro Leagues before an “Old Timers Day” game. Standing on the field with players like Ernie Banks, Minnie Minoso and Sam Jethroe, Kountze stood tallest – and on the mound, where he was allowed to throw out the first pitch. One year later, on September 26, 1994, he passed away at age 84.

But perhaps the most telling story about Doc Kountze took place a few years earlier and concerns Ted Williams and Pumpsie Green. In 1991 I sent Doc a copy of my first book, “Ted Williams: A Portrait in Words and Pictures.” In the book I mentioned that when Pumpsie Green joined the Red Sox, Ted Williams made a point of publicly playing catch with Greene in front of the Fenway Park grandstand, indicating his personal approval in the most explicit way possible. Later in the book I repeated part of Ted Williams’ 1966 induction speech at the National Baseball Hall of Fame in which he said “Baseball gives every American boy a chance to excel. Not just to be as good as anybody else, but to be better. This is the nature of man and the name of the game. I hope some day Satchel Paige and Josh Gibson will be voted into the Hall of Fame as symbols of the great Negro players who are not here only because they weren't given the chance,” the first Hall of Famer to make such a public statement I later had the opportunity to interview Williams and when asked him why he mentioned the players in his speech, Williams told me that he was fully aware of the quality of play in the Negro Leagues, and that although he had not seen many black ballplayers himself, he had heard stories about the players from his childhood throughout his major league career.

Shortly after I sent Doc my book I received another letter address to “Glenn Stout, Sports Writer.” Doc was mortified. More than thirty years earlier, before Pumpsie Green joined the Red Sox, Kountze, trying to understand why the Red Sox were so resistant to integration, had wondered if perhaps Ted Williams, not only the teams’ best player but the organization’s most important personality, had had something to do with keeping the Red Sox white. Understand, this was only idle, private speculation on Kountze’s’ part. He never wrote or intimated that Williams was prejudiced and had probably never even uttered the notion aloud. But he had believed something he now knew was untrue and he was deeply ashamed.

He asked me if it was possible to provide an address for Ted Williams. He wanted to – had to – write back and apologize, not for something he wrote or said, but simply for something he had once thought. I knew someone who knew someone, and was able not only to provide the address but to provide Williams with a little bit of background about the sender. A few months later I heard from Doc Kountze once more. His letter had gotten through. And although John Updike had once famously written of Williams that “Gods do not answer letters,” on this occasion Updike was proven wrong.

Ted Williams had written Doc back. There was, he wrote, no need to apologize.

[Glenn Stout's latest book, FENWAY 1912, has been awarded the 2011 Seymour Medal by the Society for American Baseball Research as the bets boof of baseball history or biography published in 2011. For more see www.glennstout.net]



Sources:
Doc Kountze, private correspondence with Glenn Stout, 1986-1993.
Kountze, Mabray “Doc” 50 Sports Years Along Memory Lane. Mystic Valley Press, Medford, Massachusetts, 1979.
”Diamonds Aren’t Forever,” by Glenn Stout, Boston Magazine, September 1986.
“Doc’s Cause: Curing Baseball of Bigotry,” by Glenn Stout. Middlesex News, July 28, 1987.
”Legendary Munroe and Future Sox MacFayden Spin a Masterpiece,” by Glenn Stout. The Fan, September 1987.
Stout, Glenn, and Johnson, Richard. Jackie Robinson: Between the Base Lines. Woodford, San Francisco, 1997.
Stout, Glenn, and Johnson, Richard. Red Sox Century. Houghton Mifflin, 2000.
Stout, Glenn, and Johnson, Richard. Ted Williams: A Portrait in Words and Pictures. Walker and Company. 1991.

Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Maybe Baseball Isn't Over




About a month ago I wrote a commentary (reprinted below) for National Public Radio about the end of the baseball season which was used on “All Things Considered.”

I didn’t expect much of a reaction – okay, I didn’t expect ANY reaction. I thought it was okay, but nothing special.

Yet as writers, once the words escape us, we know we are not in control and cannot foresee their impact.

Some people hated the commentary, finding it too syrupy, but others – and from what I could tell, a lot of others - really liked it. A minister used it in a sermon, surely a first for anything I have ever written. And one man wrote me that “. . . it really hit home. My dad passed away last year and the end of a season is a reminder of the end of life… and after the mourning… life starting anew.”

And then there was June. I received an e-mail from a woman named June who said that the commentary moved her to tears and that she wanted to send me a painting.

I was touched, but also embarrassed. I didn’t want her to go out of her way over something that took all of about twenty minutes to write and took up about three minutes of air time on NPR. So I tried to talk her out of it, but she was persistent.

Well, here’s the painting at the top of this post. It arrived yesterday I love it. And here’s the commentary that somehow inspired it:





BASEBALL IS OVER

Baseball is over again and - for a while - so am I.

As long as I can remember this game has been my companion. The maple trees in the backyard where I grew up were known only as first base, second and third. The clothesline was an imaginary Green Monster. I fell asleep each night to the static of a distant game on an old radio and dreamed of the roaring crowd. Even now, when I think of “home” I don’t think of a house. I think of the bare spot I wore in the grass while batting, the place I ran back to after every imaginary home run.

Now another season is ending. As the sounds that only baseball makes disappear, there is a stillness left behind that feels like nothing else, and I know again I am alone.

The days that used to start with stats and coffee turning cold as I perused the blogs and box scores are done. The morning doesn’t mean it’s time to “check the west coast scores.” It means “get up and go to work.” The news is not for highlights and home runs, but wars and famines and politics. The walks I took with the dog so I could throw the ball and pretend I was cutting down the lead runner at third become simple games of fetch. The phone calls with friends that started with “Can you believe that hit?” and “What was he thinking?” end quickly or aren’t made at all. I turn my car radio from AM back to FM. My wife and daughter control the television remote and I catch up on my reading. And instead of lying awake at night and wondering how in the world he could miss that pitch, I slip into a fast slumber.

It’s over, but we’ve been through this before, baseball and I, and I’m sure I’ll survive the winter soon to come. I know even as the whoops and hollers of baseball’s newest world champion fade that somewhere in the silence that follows, another season will start to make its sound.

There will be trades, Tommy John surgeries and free agent signings for too much money. Even though there will be snow upon the ground, there will also be talk about pitchers and catchers reporting, aging veterans and rookie phenoms. Something deep inside me will start to stir, and then I’ll hear it again; a voice on a playground, a bat meeting a ball, a cheer and a slap on the back. At first it will be faint and far off, but as the days get longer the sounds of baseball will be back beside me. Soon enough, we will both be ready for another season.

[Note: the version of the commentary reproduced above varies slightly from the broadcast version. You can listen to it here: http://www.npr.org/player/v2/mediaPlayer.html?action=1&t=1&islist=false&id=141789780&m=141881232 . Glenn Stout’s latest book is the bestselling Fenway 1912: The Birth of a Ballpark, a Championship Season and Fenway’s Remarkable First Year.]

Thursday, October 6, 2011

On FENWAY 1912: A Conversation







How does your book differ from all the other Fenway books coming out to celebrate the ballparks’ anniversary?








Fenway 1912 breaks so much new ground it makes every other account of the building and construction of Fenway Park obsolete. In the context of the times I tell you precisely why Fenway looks the way it does, what architectural styles and influences played a part in its design, exactly how it was built, how it evolved during its first season and how Fenway Park contributed to the Red Sox 1912 world championship. Virtually none of this has appeared in any other book before. Unlike most others books about Fenway Park, which essentially tell a thumbnail history of the franchise through pictures of the ballpark, I tell the story of Fenway Park as an actual story, a drama that over the course of a little more than a year changed the history of the Red Sox and the City of Boston forever. Fenway Park is the main character, but there are many others – architect James E. McLaughlin, contractor Charles Logue, groundskeeper Jerome Kelley, and players like Tris Speaker, Smoky Joe Wood, Duffy Lewis, Royal Rooters like Nuf Ced McGreevey, team owner James McAleer and others. I think I’ve created a living history of Fenway Park.

Is your book illustrated?






Absolutely, there are plenty of photographs and illustrations in my book, most dating to its first season. All were carefully selected for their ability to reveal something new about Fenway Park. I am particularly excited about several period architectural drawings that I uncovered that will be a revelation to Red Sox fans. To the best of my knowledge, these have never been reprinted or even examined by anyone since 1912. I don’t think I am overstating things when I say that after reading Fenway 1912, fans will never be able to look at Fenway Park the same way again. I know I don’t – and I have attended hundreds of game at Fenway and have been writing about the history of this team for twenty-five years. And throughout the narrative I relate aspects of Fenway Park in 1912 to Fenway Park today, so fans can envision Fenway Park in 1912 within what exists today. Personally, I was stunned to discover in the course of my research that there was so much new information I was still able to uncover about a place that everyone thinks they already know everything about. It will be the one gift Sox fans will want this holiday season.

How were you able to discover so much new material?





Twenty-five years ago, on Fenway’s 75th anniversary, I wrote the official history of the park for the Red Sox yearbook. But when I began working on this book over three years ago I started from scratch, researching in period documents, newspaper accounts and other sources. I just don’t accept that something is true because it appeared in some book written decades later. And to do that takes time – literally years of research, months and months of searching through microfilm, old newspapers and magazines, census records, city directories, maps, and old books before I wrote a word. Let me put it to you this way – I think I did more research for Fenway 1912, telling the story of the creation and building of Fenway Park and the 1912 season, than I did for Red Sox Century, a book in which I told the entire history of the franchise.

So the entire book is about 1912, right? There’s nothing about Fenway Park since then?






Oh, not at all. When certain aspects of Fenway Park need further explanation – and when I uncovered exciting new information – I don’t hesitate to tell those stories. For example, when I discuss the left field wall, I track it through history. I uncover the day that the first fans sat where the “Green Monster” seats are today – it was in 1912! And I trace the history and first use of the phrase “Green Monster,” more precisely than anyone else ever has. That’s a great story, because the phrase was first used far earlier than most people realize, yet didn’t come into popular usage until, relatively speaking, quite recently. And here’s something else few people realize – Fenway Park wasn’t the first baseball field in Boston to be called “Fenway Park.” On occasion the Huntington Avenue Grounds, where the Red Sox played before Fenway Park was built, was itself called “the Fenway Park” due to its proximity to the Fens.


How do you manage to tell Fenway’s story while you also tell the story of the 1912 season and the 1912 World Series?







In a sense, that was the easy part of the book, because as I began to research the events of the 1912 season, I quickly realized that the personality of the ballpark was being revealed game by game, from things like the first home run hit over the left field wall (which most fans know was hit by Boston’s Hugh Bradley) to the first home run hit into the stands that was wrapped around the precursor to the “Pesky pole” in right field. Fenway Park had a dramatic impact on the fortunes of the Red Sox in 1912, and was a huge reason why a team that finished in fourth place in 1911 was able to run away with the pennant in 1912 – Tris Speaker emerged as a superstar and had an MVP season, Smoky Joe Wood, helped by some subtle changes no one else has ever recognized, went 34-5, a couple of rookie pitchers had the season of their lives. I point out precisely how Fenway Park provided the Red Sox with a huge advantage. Sort of by accident, they were perfect for the ballpark. Then, just before the World Series, while the Sox were on a road trip, Fenway Park underwent what I would still consider the most dramatic transformation in its history, as over a period of only a few weeks more than 10,000 seats were added, for the first time creating the familiar “footprint” that still remains, more or less, today. Then, during the 1912 World Series, a whole series of new quirks in Fenway’s personality were revealed.

Wait a minute, Fenway Park was changed during the 1912 season?

Absolutely. And before those changes were made it would have been almost unrecognizable to a contemporary fan. In a sense, the 1912 World Series both christened Fenway and capped things off. The Sox played the New York Giants of John McGraw and Christy Mathewson, and the fortunes of both teams swung back and forth wildly, often during the course of a single game. Series lasted eight games – one was tie – and the Series was marked by fights, arguments, threats of a player strike, charges of gambling, and an on-field riot by the fans. The full story of what took place during those eight games has never been told before because previous accounts failed to recognize the key role Fenway Park played in the Series. That element allowed me to being the Series to life, to put the reader in the stands and on the street, in the dugout and in the clubhouse.


What does Fenway Park mean to you?

It’s hard to put it in words, but in the foreword to the book I try. It’s very personal to me, and I think this is the best book I have ever written. When I was a kid I used to draw pictures of Fenway Park. I moved to Boston after college precisely because of Fenway Park and lived within walking distance of the park for all but the first few months I was in town. If it wasn’t for Fenway Park I may well have never become a working writer. Fenway Park is a place that can change your life – I know it changed mine. By writing Fenway 1912 I hope that in some small way I have repaid the debt I owe to the ballpark. Without Fenway Park, I am a different person, and I don’t think I’m the only one who can say that.






Glenn will be appearing at the Boston Book Festival at the Back Bay Events Center and signing books on October 15 @ 1:00 pm. See http://www.glennstout.net/ for more appearances.


Friday, September 30, 2011

PHANTOM COLUMN: The Greatest Sox Team EVER


Postseason tickets printed and un-used are called phantoms. Here is my "phantom" Chin Music column from the now unpublished postseason issue of "Boston Baseball." And remember, if you still want to celebrate a championship, or celebrate Fenway Park see my new book, Fenway 1912. They win in this one.

At this time of year it is sometimes helpful to look back at the optimistic, crayola tinged predictions of the spring. Entering into this season more than one prognosticator deemed the 2011 Red the “the greatest ever” and predicted season win total of 100, 105 even (and, I kid you not, NESN.com) 120 wins. Oh, and that World Series thing? The tiniest of hurdles.

Those observers who have witnessed more than just the most recent decade know that, historically, things are generally not quite that easy. The title of “greatest Sox team ever” currently resides where it has for the last 99 years, with Fenway Park’s first residents, the boys of 1912. They went 105-47 in the regular season, plus a hard fought and memorable victory over the hated New York Giants in the eight game 1912 World Series that netted them another four wins (plus one tie) for a final victory total of 109.

This team, for all its accomplishments, is not that team, although there are some interesting parallels.

For one, both the 1912 and 2011 Red Sox featured a emerging star in centerfield who put together an MVP worthy season. Tris Speaker played centerfield for the 1912 Sox, hit .383 and led the team in almost everything, just as Jacoby Ellsbury is doing this year, although major difference is that Speaker ended up in Cooperstown and Ellsbury seems destined for Seattle when his contract ends. Then again, Speaker was dealt to Cleveland a few years after his MVP season.

Both clubs also featured a new first baseman, and here the candidates are Adrian Gonzalez for the 2011’s versus Jake Stahl for the ‘12s. And while Gonzalez has had a wonderful year, he was not quite Jake Stahl, who in addition to providing a bump offensively was also the 11’s Terry Francona and Tom Werner, serving both as manager and as a minority owner.

Now the metaphor starts to stretch, although both clubs employed a catching tandem consisting of one crippled veteran and one raw recruit, Varitek and Saltalamachia versus Rough Bill Carrigan and Hick Cady. Each also had an infielder with a surprisingly potent bat (Dustin Pedroia and Larry Gardner), and a left fielder who inspired nickname. Duffy Lewis of the 1912’s had a cliff nicknamed after him in the new Fenway. So too, has Carl Crawford inspired a name or too. Unfortunately, they are unprintable. In right, Hall of Famer Harry Hooper patrolled the field for ‘12’s – J.D. Drew was paid like a Hall of Famer to do the same for the ‘11’s, although here the metaphor begins to strain beyond belief.

It thoroughly falls apart on the mound. Smoky Joe Wood was 34-5 for ‘12’s. There is, to some surprise, his equivalent on the 11’s. In fact there are four, if you add up the positive qualities and victories of Beckett, Lester, Bard and Papelbon and ignore their failures. That’s how good Wood was in 1912. Take the Sox top four pitchers this year cumulatively, overlooks each bad game and you begin to approach Smoky Joe Wood.

Enough of similarities. The difference lies in, well, the difference. And that is in the unpredictable nature of reality versus prognostication. Greatness is potential realized and to be great you have to remain on the field. The ‘12’s, with the medical assistance of a bottle of iodine and (perhaps) a bucket of Epsom salts, stayed free of serious injuries for most of the season, losing only a few players for a few weeks (Ray Collins, Hick Cady and Jake Stahl) to injuries of the knees and ankles, while everyone else managed to play through things like charlie horses, abscessed teeth and hangovers with nary an antibiotic, PED or a cortisone shot in sight.

Not so with the 11’s, for which hangnails have taken on the specter of gloom once reserved for the grippe. The supposed “greatest Sox team ever” has been neither healthy nor particularly resilient or gallant, while the ‘12’s, for what I’ve learned about them, probably stitched wounds up with barbed wire. Just before the end of the season, for example, Larry Gardner dislocated a finger, the bone popping though the skin. A little over a week later, he was back on the field. That’s the kind of injury that would put J.D. Drew in intensive care for a month.

That is where the lesson lies and that’s what is so great about the postseason. It is the time of no excuses and where predictions vaporize before reality. To win, you actually have to play the games, and for this team, once known as “greatest Sox team ever” that means staying on the field. It is there, and not the disabled list, where the possibility of redemption and glory reside. While it may be too late for the ‘11s to be the greatest Sox team ever, a successful run in October could keep them from being the most disappointing.

Glenn stout is the author of Fenway 1912. For more see Glenn’s website, www.glennstout.net.

Saturday, September 24, 2011

Fenway Park Ground Breaking 100 Years Ago


One hundred years ago today, September 25, with little ceremony or fanfare, construction on Fenway Park began. It had been common knowledge in Boston for quite some time that a new park would be built, and that it would be built in the Fens, on a parcel of property once known as part of the "Dana Lands," the ancestral holding s of one of New England's most prominent families, but construction was held up until the sale of the club from the Taylor family to a consortium headed by James McAleer was made official. When the papers were signed, the work began.

Six months later, Fenway Park opened for business.



I tell the entire story, and much much more, including a complete construction and architectural history of the park and, as one reviewer wrote:

"So many cool facts were included in this book that I've forgotten more than I've remembered and I'm probably going to have to re-read at least some of it again. Since I've no knowledge of baseball prior to the eighties it was fun to read about the 1912 season during which the Red Sox and the Giants fought for baseball dominance. This is a great book with more Red Sox/Fenway facts than you'll know what to do with."

For more, including a selection from the Prologue, see the Amazon listing (click"editorial reviews" for the Prologue)

http://www.amazon.com/Fenway-1912-Ballpark-Championship-Remarkable/dp/0547195621/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1315652861&sr=1-1

or my website, www.glennstout.net.

Saturday, August 20, 2011

TIME

[Note: This is an updated version of a column that first appeared in Boston Baseball in August of 2009. I post it here because, well, it's about TIME.]

It is time.

July is the anniversary of the addition of Pumpsie Green to the Red Sox roster in 1959, a move that integrated the Red Sox and marked the end of a shameful legacy. And each year on the anniversary of Jackie Robinson’s first appearance in the major leagues in 1947 Major League Baseball celebrates the end of the color line in baseball.

During these twelve years baseball played a pivotal role in American society and proved itself worthy of its status as the National Pastime. Robinson’s call-up to the Dodgers in 1947 was controversial and feared and debated, but by the time Green belatedly integrated the Red Sox, integration and the rights of African Americans not only to play major league baseball, but to participate in all facets of society, had gained wide acceptance. While the battle for equality continues to be fought, equal opportunity, as a right, can no longer be questioned.

Sometime in the future baseball will someday commemorate the moment when the first openly gay major league baseball player chooses to reveal himself both to his teammates and the general public. Although there is, thankfully, no “ban,” legal or assumed, against a gay athlete playing major league baseball, there is still considerable social pressure within the game and within society that has thus far prevented a gay major leaguer from “coming out” and, if he chooses, simply to be himself, just like any other major leaguer.

Dating from the very beginning of the game there have always been gay players, and there are undoubtedly gay players on the field at Fenway Park each and every day of the season. The late Glenn Burke of the Dodgers – according to some, the inventor of the “high five” - and Billy Bean of the Tigers, Padres and Dodgers, both came out publicly after retiring as active players, and are perhaps the best known. It is inevitable that an active major league baseball player will one day publicly step out of the closet and into the spotlight. Yet, primarily due to fear, none has yet done so.

Acceptance of homosexuals in much of society is now rapidly becoming the norm. Several years ago a survey conducted by the Tribune newspapers revealed that fully 74% of all major league players believe that having a gay teammate would not be an issue in the clubhouse. Gay marriage is now legal in Massachusetts and in several other states. I suspect that if the players were polled today that number would be closer to 90%. Intolerance of this kind is disappearing.

Just as baseball took the lead in regard to racial integration it is time once again for major league baseball to take action and lead the way toward the acceptance of gay athletes in mainstream professional sports. In regard to its closeted, gay players, it is time for MLB – or perhaps even individual teams, such as the Red Sox, - to be proactive. The time has come for the Commissioner of Baseball and every team and club owner in baseball to prepare for that inevitability and to pronounce, clearly and openly, that baseball will not only tolerate an openly gay player, but will welcome that player – and protect his rights. The game needs to make clear that intolerance or prejudice of any kind, by any member of any major league baseball club or by any spectator in any major league ballpark, will not be tolerated.

More than twenty years after Pumpsie Green integrated the Red Sox, I heard Jim Rice and other African Americans sometimes showered with epithets in the bleachers of Fenway Park. Neither the Red Sox nor their fans did anything to prevent this. Neither, I am embarrassed to admit, did I at the time. Similar harassment of gay athletes simply must not be allowed. Think what you want, but keep your mouth shut.
This is the right thing to do, and a statement to that effect would be of immeasurable assistance to the first few players to have the courage come out. It might even give that first player the nerve to make that leap today. Maybe I am naïve, but I believe that once a player does so, in only a few short years the question of an athlete’s sexual orientation will largely cease to be an issue.

But there is also an even more compelling reason for major league baseball to do this. Every day, on a playground or on a street corner or in a backyard or in a classroom, there is a young gay person who is the object of teasing and taunts, scorn and worse. This young person - he or she – may not have a defender – or a role model – to help he or she withstand those taunts, or to answer such cruelty with the proud confidence to be one’s own self.

Baseball – if it is truly the National Pastime, a game for all people - should step up to the plate.

[Note: It is interesting to note that when this column first appeared, I did not receive withe a single complaint or any response of any kind from either a reader or anyone else. That is both a measure of progress and a measure of how much remains to be done]

Glenn’s next book, Fenway 1912: The Birth of a Ballpark, a Championship Season, and Fenway’s Remarkable First Season, will be published in October. To order now, visit www.glennstout.net.